Sunday was a historic day for the Mexican people, who turned out in droves to elect left-wing populist Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador as Mexico’s first progressive non-oligarch President in decades.
Obrador – affectionately known by his initials AMLO – served as mayor of Mexico City until 2006, when he stepped down to run for President as the Coalition for the Good of All candidate. The coalition included the old PRD (Party of the Democratic Revolution) – long the left-wing minority in Mexico – as well as the Labor Party and the Citizen’s Movement.
The long-ruling PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party) was finally defeated in that 2006 election. The winner was Felipe Calderon of the PAN (National Action Party). Still, the oligarchy was in charge and accusations of cheating led Obrador, who “lost” by a half percent, into the streets to protest the fraud. Millions joined the protests, culminating in a month’s long occupation of Mexico City’s Zocalo and Paseo de la Reforma.
AMLO ran again in 2012 finishing a close second to the PRI’s Enrique Pena Nieto, before launching the National Movement for Regeneration Party in 2014. Known as MORENO or “brown-skinned”, the party represents the long-oppressed campesinos, indigenous people and urban working poor who have never had much of a say in the fair-skinned affair of Mexican electoral politics.
On Sunday, Obrador ran as the candidate of a left-right populist alliance, one very similar to the Five Star Movement that recently won the Italian elections. AMLO represented Juntos Haremos Historia, which translates “Together We Will Make History”. It is a coalition party of the left-wing MORENO and Labor Party, together with the right-wing Social Encounter Party.
Obrador’s nationalist coalition won in a landslide with 53% of the vote. The second place PAN candidate garnered only 22%. Voter turnout was a record 64%. Indeed, it was a historic day for Mexico’s long-suffering poor.
None of this would have been possible without the January 1, 1994 Zapatista uprising in Chiapas. Their 11-day military offensive was transformed into an Internet-based tirade against neoliberal capitalism and “free trade” which resonated around the world.
(What follows is excerpted from Chapter 16: The Mexican Fast Track: Big Oil & Their Bankers…)
By the time George W. Bush moved into 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue in 2001, his Harken Energy scam had been brushed under the dirty rug that passes for history. But his allegiance to the Four Horsemen and the Houston oil mafia never wavered. Bush stressed the importance of Latin America throughout his campaign and touted his Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA), an extension of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), signed with Canada and Mexico in 1990’s. FTAA would create a free trade zone from the Yukon to Tierra del Fuego and would be a Big Oil bonanza. One of its biggest promoters was Bechtel.
Four Horsemen (Exxon Mobil, BP Amoco, Chevron Texaco & Royal Dutch/Shell) executives began frequenting the offices of PEMEX – the Mexican national oil company. Thomas Clines’ and Ted Shackley’s Houston-based API Distributors sold PEMEX oil drilling equipment and gathered intelligence for Big Oil. Deals proceeded, including one that called for PEMEX to keep the US Strategic Petroleum Reserve fully stocked. Exxon bought Mexico’s Compania General de Lubricantes in 1991. 
Bush met with Mexican President Vicente Fox, former Coca-Cola executive who owns a vast commercial farming empire, before meeting any other foreign head of state. While Bush touted FTAA, Fox hyped his Puebla to Panama free trade scheme for Central America. Key to the latter plan was construction of a dry canal across the Tehauntepec Isthmus from the oil port of Coatzacoalas on the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific port of Salina Cruz. Financial backing for the plan was pledged by the World Bank, World Trade Organization, and US Treasury Department. 
The plan would set up maquiladoras in southern Mexico, just as Fox’s predecessor Ernesto Zedillo had done along the US-Mexican border following the 1995 implementation of NAFTA. Increasing worker demands and labor unrest at the northern plants had multinationals looking south. Wages there averaged 40% less and neighboring Guatemala could supply even cheaper labor. By the end of 2002, ninety-two maquiladoras set up shop in southern Mexico. The new canal would be their shipping outlet.
Another part of Puebla to Panama calls for Big Oil to move into the southern Mexico states of Tabasco and Chiapas, where a unique geological formation holds promising oil reserves and vast reserves of natural gas. Funding was forthcoming for oil and gas pipelines which would service the petro-expansion. Monsanto covets the incredible biodiversity of Chiapas in their quest to monopolize the world’s genetic resources. 
In 1994 indigenous revolutionaries calling themselves Emiliano Zapata Liberacion Nacional (EZLN) launched a brief offensive on the Chiapas capital of San Cristobal de las Casas. The Zapatistas held the town for a short while, then retreated into the Lacondon jungle where their mysterious leader Subcommandante Marcos launched a sophisticated internet campaign blasting globalization and revealing the history of genocide which Indians throughout Mexico have suffered at the hands of the Mexican government, hacienda oligarchs and multinational corporations.
The Zapatistas took their name from Emiliano Zapata, who in the early 20th century launched guerrilla attacks against Four Horsemen oil facilities in Veracruz. Zapata’s small band of revolutionaries gained massive public support, leading to the nationalization of the Mexican oil industry by President Lazaro Cardenas. The Zapatistas resurrected the ghost of Emiliano Zapata and stood squarely in the path of Big Oil plans to seize Chiapas’ extensive oil and gas reserves.
Chase Manhattan Bank’s Mexico policy expert Riordan Roett penned a report advocating martial law in Mexico to attract foreign investors. Roett singled out both the Zapatistas and democracy as obstacles, arguing that the Mexican government must, “eliminate the opposition in Chiapas and should consider carefully whether or not to allow opposition victories (even) if won fairly at the ballot box”.  President Ernesto Zedillo heeded the banker call and sent 70,000 Mexican Army troops (one-third of all Mexican forces) into Chiapas, establishing de facto martial law in the region.
In December 1997, fifty-six Totil Indians were gunned down by paramilitaries trained by the Mexican Army at Atial refugee camp near Ocosingo. The massacre was part of a counterinsurgency program called the Chiapas Strategy Plan, which aimed to foment trouble among indigenous peoples. The divide and conquer campaign was supervised by General Mario Ramon Castillo, magna cum laude graduate in Counterinsurgency from the US Center for Special Forces at Fort Bragg. 
In 2001, with atrocities in Chiapas mounting, the Zapatistas led a caravan to Mexico City that grew bigger each kilometer. They arrived 10,000 strong to cheering throngs of supporters. Marcos and other Zapatista leaders addressed an audience of over 100,000 people and lobbied (in ski masks) Mexico’s Congress. They demanded implementation of the 1996 San Andres Accords, which promised to redress their grievances with the Mexican government. One section known as the Autonomy Provisions gives tribes control over natural resources in their region, directly threatening Four Horsemen control over Chiapas oil and gas reserves. Marcos insists, “There will be no plan, nor project, by anyone, that does not take us into account. No Puebla-Panama Plan, no Trans-Isthmus Project, nor anything else that means the sale or destruction of the indigenous peoples’ home. I am going to repeat this so they can hear us all the way in Cancun.”
Marcos was referring to a gathering of the World Economic Forum in Cancun, where Vicente Fox was glad-handing the Illuminati banking elite in hopes of obtaining funding for his grand scheme. At least one Mexican governor said Marcos’ message had been heard loud and clear at the Mexican mega-resort, built for North American tourists at the expense of thousands of Yucatan peasants, who were sent packing when the gaudy Cancun resort was built.
The Governor explained, “Without being present, Marcos set the framework for the meeting…and the topics of Chiapas and the EZLN passed like ghosts through the hallways of the Westin Regency Hotel”. 
Those same ghosts must have been haunting Mexico’s narco-oligarchy on Sunday as Obrador and his populist left/right coalition swept to power.
Dean Henderson is the author of five books: Big Oil & Their Bankers in the Persian Gulf: Four Horsemen, Eight Families & Their Global Intelligence, Narcotics & Terror Network, The Grateful Unrich: Revolution in 50 Countries, Stickin’ it to the Matrix, The Federal Reserve Cartel & Illuminati Agenda 21: The Luciferian Plan to Destroy Creation. You can subscribe free to his weekly Left Hook column @www.hendersonlefthook.wordpress.com