With anti-Western sentiment on the rise in the Persian Gulf region in the wake of the US war on Iraq, the Four Horsemen looked closer to home for fresh supplies of crude oil.
According to a Gallup Poll conducted in the six Muslim countries of Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Jordan, Lebanon and Indonesia published on February 27, 2002 in USA Today, 78% of those queried had a negative view of the US. A whopping 96% of Pakistanis said the US war against Afghanistan was unjustified and 77% of all Muslims polled agreed. In Indonesia, an OPEC nation far from the Persian Gulf, 89% held a dim view of America. In all six nations, 61% of respondents said they believed Muslims were not responsible for the 911 attacks on the US, while only 18% said they were.  The House of Saud wouldn’t even allow Gallup to ask the question, “Did Muslims carry out the 911 attacks?”. Big Oil had stirred the cauldron a bit too long and its contents were now burning.
Non-Arab Venezuela underwent an oil industry privatization and expansion and became the primary source of Four Horsemen oil bound for the US. But the country was a member of the OPEC price-hawk industrializing faction and in 1997 populist General Hugo Chavez became President, with support from Venezuelan workers and peasants. He railed against US hegemony in his country, announced he would sell oil to friend Fidel Castro in Cuba on favorable terms and established diplomatic ties with Iraq. He announced a land reform program and installed Marxist economists at PDVSA – Venezuela’s national oil company. Chavez talked of diverting Venezuelan oil wealth from Western banks towards a grand development scheme for all of Latin America. OPEC’s Secretary General until 2002 was Venezuelan Oil Minister and price hawk Ali Rodriguez.
In early 2002 Venezuela’s ruling elite, led by Rockefeller crony Gustavo Cisneros and his Bank of Nova Scotia crowd, attempted to overthrow Chavez. There were reports of US Naval and Air Force involvement. In April Chavez stepped down. Within days, following angry protests from the Venezuelan working class, he was back in power. The pro-US general who led the attempted coup was charged with treason. El jeffe fled to Columbia where he was welcomed by the US-backed narco-terrorist Uribe government. In October the Venezuelan oligarchy took another run at Chavez. Again their putsch failed. On December 5, 2002, Chavez stated that the Venezuelan unrest was part of a plot, “to seize the country’s oil industry”. 
On January 16, 2003 Chavez left Venezuela amidst a strike led by oligarch oil executives. He appealed for help at the UN, where he handed over leadership of the radical G-77 group of developing nations to Morocco. In late February, after withstanding the strike, Chavez, knowing full well the true power behind the strikers, told the US government itself to “back off”. On April 17, 2003 Venezuelan Army Director General Melvin Lopez proclaimed in USA Today that the US government had been directly involved in the attempted February putsch and that he had proof that three US Black Hawk helicopters had been sighted in Venezuelan airspace during that time.
On Christmas Eve 2005 Chavez delivered a speech to his nation in which he said, “…minorities, descendants of those who killed Jesus Christ, control the riches of the world”. In June 2007 Chavez ordered Big Oil to accept the role of junior partner to state owned PDVSA or leave Venezuela. Exxon Mobil and Conoco Phillips left. He befriended Iran and a wave of left wing Presidents came to power in Latin America. The most radical were Evo Morales in Bolivia, Raphael Correa in Ecuador and former Sandinista Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua. They formed Banco del Sur to counter the IMF monopoly over their continent. The bankers were getting very nervous.
As Chavez’ attitude towards the Illuminati became more defiant, the Four Horsemen looked for more easily corruptible nations south of the border. They found them in Mexico and Columbia. By 1990 Exxon was getting 16% of its oil from Columbia, while Chevron procured 26% of its US-bound crude oil from Mexico.
By the time George W. Bush moved into 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue in 2001, his Harken Energy scam had been brushed under the dirty rug that passes for history. But his allegiance to the Four Horsemen and the Houston oil mafia never wavered. Bush stressed the importance of Latin America throughout his campaign and touted his Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA), an extension of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), signed with Canada and Mexico in 1990’s. FTAA would create a free trade zone from the Yukon to Tierra del Fuego and would be a Big Oil bonanza. One of its biggest promoters was Bechtel.
Four Horsemen executives began frequenting the offices of PEMEX – the Mexican national oil company. Thomas Clines’ and Ted Shackley’s Houston-based API Distributors sold PEMEX oil drilling equipment and gathered intelligence for Big Oil. Deals proceeded, including one that called for PEMEX to keep the US Strategic Petroleum Reserve fully stocked. Exxon bought Mexico’s Compania General de Lubricantes in 1991. 
Bush met with Mexican President Vicente Fox, former Coca-Cola executive who owns a vast commercial farming empire, before meeting any other foreign head of state. While Bush touted FTAA, Fox hyped his Puebla to Panama free trade scheme for Central America. Key to the latter plan is construction of a dry canal across the Tehauntepec Isthmus from the oil port of Coatzacoalas on the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific port of Salina Cruz. Financial backing for the plan is pledged by the World Bank, World Trade Organization and US Treasury Department. 
The plan would set up maquiladoras in southern Mexico, just as Fox’s predecessor Ernesto Zedillo had done along the US-Mexican border following the 1995 implementation of NAFTA. Increasing worker demands and labor unrest at the northern plants had multinationals looking south. Wages there averaged 40% less and neighboring Guatemala could supply even cheaper labor. By the end of 2002, ninety-two maquiladoras set up shop in southern Mexico. The new canal would be their shipping outlet.
Another part of Puebla to Panama calls for Big Oil to move into the southern Mexico states of Tabasco and Chiapas, where a unique geological formation holds promising oil reserves and vast reserves of natural gas. Funding is forthcoming for oil and gas pipelines which will service the petro-expansion. Monsanto covets the incredible biodiversity of Chiapas in their quest to monopolize the world’s genetic resources. 
In 1993 indigenous revolutionaries calling themselves Emiliano Zapata Liberacion Nacional (EZLN) launched a brief offensive on the Chiapas capital of San Cristobal de las Casas. The Zapatistas held the town for a short while, then retreated into the Lacondon jungle where their mysterious leader Subcommandante Marcos launched a sophisticated internet campaign blasting globalization and revealing the history of genocide which Indians throughout Mexico have suffered at the hands of the Mexican government, hacienda oligarchs and multinational corporations. The Zapatistas took their name from Emiliano Zapata, who in the early 20th century launched guerrilla attacks against Four Horsemen oil facilities in Veracruz. Zapata’s small band of revolutionaries gained massive public support, leading to the nationalization of the Mexican oil industry by President Lazaro Cardenas. The Zapatistas resurrected the ghost of Emiliano Zapata and stood squarely in the path of Big Oil plans to seize Chiapas’ extensive oil and gas reserves.
Chase Manhattan Bank’s Mexico policy expert Riordan Roett penned a report advocating martial law in Mexico to attract foreign investors. Roett singled out both the Zapatistas and democracy as obstacles, arguing that the Mexican government must, “eliminate the opposition in Chiapas and should consider carefully whether or not to allow opposition victories (even) if won fairly at the ballot box”. 
President Ernesto Zedillo heeded the Chase Manhattan call, sending 70,000 Mexican Army troops- one-third of all Mexican forces- into Chiapas, establishing de facto martial law in the region.
In December 1997 fifty-six Totil Indians were gunned down by paramilitaries trained by the Mexican Army at Atial refugee camp near Ocosingo. The massacre was part of a counterinsurgency program called the Chiapas Strategy Plan, which aimed to foment trouble among indigenous peoples. The divide and conquer campaign was supervised by General Mario Ramon Castillo, magna cum laude graduate in Counterinsurgency from the US Center for Special Forces at Fort Bragg. 
In 2001, with atrocities in Chiapas mounting, the Zapatistas led a caravan to Mexico City that grew bigger each kilometer. They arrived 10,000 strong to cheering throngs of supporters. Marcos and other Zapatista leaders addressed an audience of over 100,000 people and lobbied (in ski masks) Mexico’s Congress. They demanded implementation of the 1996 San Andres Accords, which promised to redress their grievances with the Mexican government. One section known as the Autonomy Provisions gives tribes control over natural resources in their region, directly threatening Four Horsemen control over Chiapas oil and gas reserves.
Marcos insisted, “There will be no plan, nor project, by anyone, that does not take us into account. No Puebla-Panama Plan, no Trans-Isthmus Project, nor anything else that means the sale or destruction of the indigenous peoples’ home. I am going to repeat this so they can hear us all the way in Cancun.”
Marcos was referring to a gathering of the World Economic Forum in Cancun, where Vicente Fox was glad-handing the Illuminati banking elite in hopes of obtaining funding for his grand scheme. At least one Mexican governor said Marcos’ message had been heard loud and clear at the Mexican mega-resort- built for North American tourists at the expense of thousands of Yucatan peasants, who were sent packing when the gaudy Cancun resort was built. The Governor explained, “Without being present, Marcos set the framework for the meeting…and the topics of Chiapas and the EZLN passed like ghosts through the hallways of the Westin Regency Hotel”. 
Dean Henderson is the author of five books: Big Oil & Their Bankers in the Persian Gulf: Four Horsemen, Eight Families & Their Global Intelligence, Narcotics & Terror Network, The Grateful Unrich: Revolution in 50 Countries, Das Kartell der Federal Reserve, Stickin’ it to the Matrix & The Federal Reserve Cartel. You can subscribe free to his weekly Left Hook column @www.hendersonlefthook.wordpress.com