The Croatian Army bought many weapons from German arms dealer Ernst Werner Glatt, a favorite CIA supplier to both the Nicaraguan contras and the Afghan mujahadeen.
At one point Glatt was shipping the Croats $200 million worth of arms per year, with much of the tab picked up by the Saudis. Glatt did so well for himself that he was able to retire on a Virginia estate that he calls Black Eagle. The black eagle was the official emblem of the German Nazi government and had been Oliver North’s code-name for the contra-cocaine operations being overseen by Panamanian General Manuel Noriega on behalf of his CIA and Mossad bosses. 
Military contracts were being doled out like candy throughout the Balkans conflict, but no firm received more than did Brown & Root, which later merged with construction giant MW Kellogg to become KBR. KBR is a subsidiary of Houston-based Halliburton, where Dick Cheney was at the helm. Halliburton also owns Dresser Industries, where Lawrence Eagleburger was on the board of directors. The firm is a global octopus with operations in 130 countries and over 100,000 employees. Cheney wasn’t particular about his firm’s customers, doing brisk business with Nigerian dictators, Saddam Hussein and the military junta of Myanmar alike. 
Brown & Root was paid $546 million to build latrines, barracks and other infrastructure necessary to maintain NATO and UN troops occupying Yugoslavia. Three years later the company was paid another $400 million for logistical support in Bosnia, Croatia and Hungary, where a Brown & Root subsidiary known as International American Products provided troop support. Its Hungarian kitchen workers accused US troops who frequented their workplace of constant sexual harassment and exploitation.
Cheney’s company also got contracts to beef up US military bases in Italy. Brown & Root, which has enjoyed a no-bid monopoly over the troop support business since the Gulf War, made over $260 million doing similar work during US military adventures in Haiti, Somalia and Rwanda. 
In 1999 it received a $900 million contract in the Balkans. In 2000, the year Cheney stepped down to become the running mate of candidate Bush Jr., Brown & Root was awarded a $300 million contract by the US Navy to improve overseas bases, a $100 million contract to improve US Embassy security around the world and a $40 million contract to maintain the National Institutes of Health. Cheney received a whopping $20 million retirement package from Halliburton. He kept $10 million in stock options. Cheney’s salary at Halliburton, where he was Chairman and CEO from 1995-2000, was $1.3 million/year. 
In 1996 US Commerce Secretary Mickey Kantor arrived in Zaghreb with representatives of 18 US multinationals. Kantor and his entourage negotiated an investment agreement to rebuild Croatia that would be a boon to the companies. Bechtel, never remiss to sniff out a government contract, got two to build power plants from the government of Croatia. Much of the Bosnian reconstruction effort was headed by the 353rd Civil Affairs Command, a Bronx Army Reserve Unit with big-time connections to corporate America. The unit was headed by US Army Colonel Michael Hess, who frequented the brand new World Bank office set up in Sarajevo.
Hess’ usual employer was Citigroup, where he served as Relationship Manager for Scandinavia, Finland and the Benelux nations. Another member of the 353rd was a vice-president at ABN Amro Holdings NV, the Dutch banking giant that in 1997 took over the failed British old-money Barings Bank and was later merged into Royal Bank of Scotland. The 353rd included an engineer for Schering-Plough, a broker for Merrill Lynch and a former AT&T executive. Other members worked with Texas Instruments, American Airlines, private Saudi military trainer BDM International and defense giant Lockheed Martin. ABN Amro banker Renato Bacci took charge of training Bosnia’s bankers in the transition from socialism to capitalism. 353rd Lieutenant Colonel Gerry Suchanek taught economics at the University of Iowa. He said of his job, “Everything I do at home is about teaching capitalism. Everything I do here is similar.”
The CIA had completed its partition of most of Yugoslavia and the agents of international capital were taking over. Problem was, Yugoslavia still controlled Stari Trg mine, massive coal reserves and the Adriatic oilfields which Big Oil coveted. Gaining those assets would require the severing of one more chunk of territory from the unruly Belgrade central government.
Dean Henderson is the author of five books: Big Oil & Their Bankers in the Persian Gulf: Four Horsemen, Eight Families & Their Global Intelligence, Narcotics & Terror Network, The Grateful Unrich: Revolution in 50 Countries, Das Kartell der Federal Reserve, Stickin’ it to the Matrix & The Federal Reserve Cartel. You can subscribe free to his weekly Left Hook column @www.hendersonlefthook.wordpress.com